Painting by Max Lingner 1951-1955
The Peasant War 1524-1525
In this part of the blog series I will refer to events in German history that can be described as social crises because they had a negative impact on the sense of social and societal belonging. To do this, I will first outline the socio-historical background and then analyse a contemporary cultural production before drawing conclusions about the broader socio-historical consequences of the respective crisis. The first event that I have chosen in this context is the Peasant War, which took place in the first half of the 16th century.
Socio-political background
The Peasant War of 1524-1525 can be understood as the response to the increasing social inequality that affected the German principalities since the 11th century. The historian Kurt Frank Reinhardt describes how the introduction of a monetary economy based on Roman principles, together with the establishment of Roman law after the 11th century, gradually replaced traditional tribal laws. Reinhardt explains that this new legislation began to regulate the economy and led to urban commerce and capitalist entrepreneurship, a situation that was used by the political and economic rulers to their own advantage. This led to the financial dependence of the peasants, who became so impoverished and oppressed that their status and living conditions came close to that of slaves. Jacob Wimpheling, a contemporary educator, priest, poet and historian, comments on this in the following words:
‘According to the damnable teaching of the new jurists, the prince is to be everything in the country, but the people nothing, the people having nothing to do but serve and pay taxes.’
Jacob Wimpheling 1450-1528 in Reinhardt 1950: 238
Reinhardt points out that it was the Roman legal and monetary system that promoted social, political and economic injustice. He sees the uprising of the farmers in the German principalities as the struggle of the previously existing agrarian society against the new capitalist economic system that was supposed to replace it. He describes how the farmers were inspired by the spirit of revolution that Martin Luther had promoted with his open opposition to the corruption of the Roman Catholic Church at the time. A list of moderate demands for reform, The Twelve Articles, was presented, which the farmers in all parts of the German principalities agreed to. When these were rejected, the movement developed into a social revolution. Instead of supporting the farmers, Luther turned against them and called on the princes and lords to
‚..smash them, choke them, stab them, secretly and publicly, if you can, like you have to kill a crazy dog’
Martin Luther in Wider die Mordischen und Reubischen Rotten der Bawren 1525
On Luther’s advice, the uprising was violently suppressed. According to Reinhardt, a hundred thousand peasants were defeated in battle, thousands were wounded and tortured, and tens of thousands were killed (Reinhardt, 1950).
Socio -cultural Background
As a cultural example, I will analyse a song that was written during the Peasant War and reflects the experience of the farmers at the time.
The literary scholar Wolfgang Beutin describes Das Bündische Lied as one of the few remaining songs that document the socio-political uprising. A small number of symbols used in the text, need to be decoded in their contemporary context. The song begins with the symbolic description of a vulture that comes from the Black Forest and raises its many young among farmers everywhere. According to Beutin, the vulture was the symbol of the peasant revolution that began in the ‘Black Forest’ region and from there spread to other German-speaking principalities. The monasteries and castles mentioned in the last verse were seen as a visual symbol of the oppression that the peasants had to endure from both the nobility and the clerical authorities. Beutin classifies Das Bündisches Lied as a representative of the folk song that accompanied the Peasant War in the form of pamphlets. According to Beutin, the translations of humanistic writings into German and the further development of printing technology in the mid-15th century led to the spread of critical ideas and thereby contributed to the first form of social criticism in German-speaking areas.
Ulrich von Hutten, Thomas Müntzer and Hans Sachs were the most influential voices in this context. The pamphlet was the new format that allowed literature to play a key role in initiating the political and religious changes associated with the Reformation and it appeared in the form of poems, songs, sermons, letters, chronicles, dramas and dialogues. Together with public religious arguments that took place in front of large crowds and could last days or even weeks, the circulation of pamphlets helped to form, a so called ‘public opinion’. Beutin emphasizes that in the nine years of this religious and political revolution, from Luther’s publication of the 95 Theses in 1517 to the end of the Peasant War in 1526, literature not only illustrated and commented on the events of the time, but also played a relevant role in this historical movement. Reality was depicted in a way that had been unknown up to that point, since peasants and other members of the lower social classes, like nobles and clergy, now appeared as main characters, whereas previously they had either not been part of a literary description or only as a part of the background. Life was described in such a way that the need for change became clear and all social classes were addressed. Beutin lists three characteristic elements of the pamphlets of the time that were intended to make the texts accessible and convincing:
1) The liberal use of Bible quotations, showing that the content of the text is close to Holy Scripture.
2) Using common expressions and phrases to connect with the general public.
3) The crude and polemical choice of expressions aimed at insulting an opponent.
Beutin points out that for this brief period, the perspective of the lower classes dominated over the opinion of the ruling classes, and ordinary people felt included in the religious and political controversy. Both the emperor and the church reacted quickly by introducing censorship, prohibiting the printing, sale and distribution of written material that was critical of the church and the princes. The consequences for printers, authors and booksellers were harsh: excommunication, loss of civil rights, imprisonment, torture and execution. The preacher and theologian Thomas Müntzer was among those put to death in 1525 and some authors subsequently worked under the cover of anonymity. According to Beutin, the social crisis addressed in the literature of the Reformation was the oppression of the lower classes by the nobility and clergy, which increased with the growth of international markets, the establishment of commercial enterprises, and the development of an interest-based monetary economy. Beutin notes that a call for personal freedom was the main demand of the lower classes and fraternity as an expression of equality represented one of the peasants’ most important visions. This idea of freedom and equality was initiated by Luther’s text On the Freedom of a Christian published in 1520, which deeply impressed the farmers and inspired them to revolt. Beutin emphasises that Das Bündische Lied is one of the few surviving songs from the Peasants War and is also rare in its peasant-friendly perspective. Due to censorship by the sovereign after the defeat of the peasant army, most of the songs of this period are anti-peasant and represent the perspective of those who were in power at the time. The few peasant-friendly songs that have survived come from contemporary torture records (Beutin, 2008).
Cultural example: Lyrics to Das Bündische Lied, a song of the Peasant War
A vulture has flown out
In Hegau in the Black-forest
It has brought up many young
Everywhere where the peasants are
They have become rebellious
Within the German nation
And they have their own order
Maybe they will do well
What may be the concern
Of those honest and simple people?
The star of truth is shining
The time has come
It happens according to the will of God
It has been caused by our sins
He can and will release it
May God give us grace and support us
Now I am singing of the peasants
And their army
Some make fun of them
But they have not seen the end yet
It is done by the bold and wicked
They are full of themselves
Beware you usurers
It will not end well for you
Nobody is in any way ashamed
Be they young or old
All evil is increasing
And takes on many forms
One is running here and there
And one does not mind the truth
Arrogance, Avarice and Usury
Dominate the world of Splendour
To drink and to curse
Has taken over
It is hard to defend oneself
It is a true shame
Nobody cares about the other
Everyone makes their demands straight away
To live without morals
Now makes the unhappiness complete
The federation has debated
Now for a very long time
It does not want to go well
The gap is already too wide
Who can repair this now?
It is beyond my understanding
They will have to choke on it
This will end badly
They will frighten the nobles
So that they will not know what to do
They will wake the peasants
And put them under pressure
They are strange fish
They risk their own skin
They have found a meaning
Who would have thought that they were so able
They have gone to battle
No-one wanted to let go
It is true and not a lie
Many of a peasant boy
Together they have sworn
To do harm to the nobility
They have treated them harshly
What will be their reward?
The peasants have united
And are war mongering with violence.
They have a large community
Are revolting everywhere
And tear down castles
And burn out monasteries
Then they can’t treat us like shit anymore
What good is an evil Robbers house
Käthe Kollwitz, The Breakout 1903
Analysis of the song lyrics
The song is written in nine verses with eight lines each. Rhythm and cohesion is achieved by rhyming alternating lines.
Considering the text in relation to the concept of the narrative model for fairy tales developed by Greimas (1966) – in which a ‘subject or hero’ strives for an ‘object of desire’ against the opposition of an ‘adversary’, with the help of a ‘helper’ ‘ and the magical intervention of a ‘Superhelper’, the farmers are introduced in the first verse as the ‘subjects or heroes’ of the text. The second verse asks about the motivation of the subject’s actions, and thus about the ‘object of desire’. However, this is never directly stated in the text, but is implied. This is done by describing the actions of the ‘adversary’, the oppressive ruling classes, in verse four and five and the destructive effect of these actions on the ‘subject’. The object of desire is implied to be the opposite of the loss and lack caused by the actions of the ruling classes (lack of moral values, security, honesty, respect and happiness).
The fact that the ‘object of desire’ is described primarily as a contrast to a lack experienced by the ‘subject’ gives the impression that the peasants are rightly reclaiming something they have lost. The fact that this object is only implicitly made known but never named shows how far it is removed from the reach of the ‘subject’. The farmers’ federation is introduced in the following verse, which suggests that the farmers’ coming together is a result of the rulers’ bad behavior. The federation is thereby identified as the ‘helper’ that guides the ‘subject’ (the farmers) in their struggle to resist the ‘adversary’ (ruling classes) and attain the ‘object of desire’ (happiness, respect, honesty, moral values, security). In verse 7 it is unclear whether the action described is that of the federation or that of the farmers, which shows that the federation is actually just the farmers organising themselves, working as a group, taking on a new role and becoming helpers to themselves. The second part of the second verse refers to God, who can be identified as a ‘super helper’ and whose grace and support is expected and demanded. The narrative of the text ends in the middle of the subject’s search. Since the opposition to the ‘adversary’ is extreme, it becomes clear that the ‘object of desire’ can only be achieved through the destruction of the same. Having used the structure of a fairy tale, the positive outcome of the narrative is implied in which the ‘subject’ wins the ‘object of desire’ against the ‘adversary’ with the help of ‘helpers’ and ‘super-helpers’, while the narration of the lyrics itself remains unfinished.
According to Toolan (1988), the identity and intentionality of the narrator can be determined through the questions “Why is the story being told?” and “Who is telling the story?”.
The change in the use of personal pronouns as well as the overall tone of the text with descriptive nouns and verbs can be read as an indication of a shift in the narrative perspective. While the narrative begins in a matter-of-fact tone, the trust that has been built is undermined by a question. Another question in the next verse seems to reflect the opinion of the public, followed by statements that have a religious and sometimes prophetic connotation, thus demonstrating one of the characteristics of the pamphlets of the time. In verse three, the narrator speaks as a singing commentator, addressing the oppressors directly and personally. In verse four and five, which describe the attitudes and actions of those in power, the tone is constant, which makes this description most convincing. Verse 6, which refers to the peasants’ federation, contains the most inconsistencies, followed by a description of the federation’s action against the rulers in a focused tone, but with the inclusion of a surprised comment in the seventh verse. The account of the ensuing uprising is in the past tense and appears confident, but is undermined by a question that expresses fear and uncertainty. Verse nine returns to a tone of confidence and determination and shows increasing anger. In the last two lines of verse nine, the third-person plural, which has been used up to this point, giving an impression of distance and objectivity, suddenly changes to the first-person plural.
This frequent shift in narrative perspective creates the impression that there were many different voices, moods and opinions that came together in this uprising, from fear and uncertainty to determination, prophetic certainty, religious and moral conviction to anger, violence and lust, revenge and destruction. Verse six, in which the federation is mentioned, contains particularly frequent shifts in tone and narrative, perhaps reflecting the variety of viewpoints that this union of people must have contained. In contrast, stanzas four and five, which describe the evil deeds of the oppressors, are constant in tone and perspective. This shows that the uprising was a collective effort by people with different intentions, motivations and backgrounds who agreed on the need to oppose the oppressive ruling classes and their actions and behaviors.
While a large number of different perspectives come together in the depiction of the uprising, the intentions of the text can be listed as follows:
- To document the peasant uprising from the perspective of the common people
- To show the causal connection between the uprising and the amoral actions of the ruling classes
- To express the extent of perceived injustice and distress as a result of these actions
- To justify the revolution as being in accordance with God’s will and for the general good of all
- To threaten the oppressive ruling classes
- To strengthen the fighting farmers in their courage and determination
The text is addressed to three different recipients, which is indicated by the change in personal pronouns. All passages that use the third person plural or the third person singular are intended for the general public. The sentence containing the second person plural is addressed to the oppressive ruling classes, in this case the merchants and moneylenders, the last two sentences, in which the first-person plural is used for the first time, are addressed to the peasants.
The three characteristic elements of the 16th century pamphlet, which, according to Beutin, are intended to make the text accessible and convincing, can also be found in the song lyrics. While Bible quotations are not used directly, the text contains lines that appear to come from prayers. “It is according to the will of God.” “It was caused by our sins.” “He can and will release it.” “May God give us grace and support us.” Questions and inserted comments are used to reflect the public’s perspective “What can be the concern for these honest and simple people?” “Who can fix this now?” “It is beyond my understanding.” “They will have to choke on it.” ” This will end badly.” “They treated them harshly.” “What will be their reward?”
There are also rude and polemical expressions intended to insult the opponent. “Then they can’t treat us like shit anymore…” “What good is an evil robbers house?”
Aufständische Bauern im Zeichen des Bundschuh
Conclusions
By analysing the text, it becomes clear that the peasant uprising was a movement in which a great number of different people with a variety of motivations came together because they agreed that a situation of injustice and inequality needed to be rectified. The object of the peasant’s desire was security, happiness, respect, honesty and to live with moral values and they believed that they were entitled to attain their desire. The connection between Aristotle’s concept of inequality and the legitimation of violence and a political and economic development that, influenced by Roman law, promoted social, political and economic inequality and led to the revolt of the oppressed peasants becomes clear here. The peasants’ demand for personal freedom and fraternity can be seen as a demand for equality that would have restored the lost sense of social connection. This demand was rejected and the concept of inequality was violently defended by those who believed they were born to subjugate others. Luther himself saw social and political inequality as given by God and not only sanctioned a violent backlash from the authorities, but even called for it.
“That’s why we shouldn’t proceed timidly here. It’s not about patience or mercy either. It is the time of the sword and wrath and not of grace. So the authorities should now confidently advance here and take action as much as they can with a clear conscience. Because here is the reason: the farmers have a bad conscience and do injustice and every farmer who is not killed for this, is lost body and soul and forever the devils. But the authorities have a good conscience and do right and can say to God with all confidence of heart: Behold my God, you have made me prince or lord, I cannot doubt that. You have given me the sword against the evildoers. It is your word and I have to carry out this office if I do not want to lose your grace, it is also clear that these farmers deserved death many times over for you and the world and that it is demanded of me to punish them.
Martin Luther Wider die Mordischen und Reubischen Rotten der Bawren 1525
Since Luther had been the inspiration for the peasants’ revolt, his vehement condemnation must have felt like a betrayal to them. The experience that the status quo, even if unjust, could not be questioned and that demands for justice and equality were met with extreme violence had far-reaching consequences. The historian Peter Pulzer points out that all subsequent revolutions in German history failed. He mentions in this context the revolution of 1848 and in particular the revolution of 1919, which was crushed by ruthless military interventions in which its leaders were murdered and all participants massacred before any social or political change had been achieved (Pulzer, 1997 ). The experience that a revolution could only be conservative and that the established authority should under no circumstances be questioned was later taken up by the German youth of the early twentieth century. The historian Georg Mosse, who explored in depth the beginnings of National Socialism in Germany, emphasises that the German youth of the 1920s and 30s, in contrast to young people in other European countries at the time, directed their revolutionary impulses more to the right than to the left and that the German revolution was understood as an internal, anti-Jewish revolution (Mosse, 1964).
There is also another much more direct connection between Martin Luther and later German National Socialism: Luther’s anti-Semitic speeches and writings in which he demonized Jews, attributed atrocities to them and called for their persecution and killing.
‘Such a desperate, evil, poisoned, devilish thing is what these Jews are, these 1400 years have been and still are our plague, pestilence and all misfortune. All in all, we have real devils with them. This is nothing else. There is no human heart against us Gentiles. They learn this from their rabbis in the devil’s nests of their schools.’
Martin Luther, Von den Juden und ihren Lügen 1543
The German National Socialists felt inspired and confirmed in their anti-Semitism by Martin Luther, and so it was no coincidence that the Kristallnacht pogrom on November 9, 1938, in which Jewish shops and synagogues were set on fire and thousands of Jews were mistreated or killed fell on the night before Luther’s birthday.
Bibliography
Beutin, W. (2008). Humanismus und Reformation. In J. Metzler (Ed.), Deutsche Literaturgeschichte. Von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart. (pp. 57-95). Stuttgart: Verlag J.B. Metzler.
Greimas, A. J. (1983). Structural Semiotics: An attempt at a method (Translated by D. Mc Dowell et al. ed.). Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Mosse, G. (1964). The Crisis of German Ideology. New York: Schoken Books.
Pulzer, P. (1997). Germany 1870-1945. Oxford: Oxford UP.
Reinhardt, K. F. (1950). Germany: 2000 Years. California: The Bruce Publishing Company.
Toolan, M. J. (1988). Narrative: A critical Linguistic Introduction. London : Routledge.
Images
Gemälde zum Großen Deutschen Bauernkrieg von Max Lingner 1951-1955 (unvollendet)
https://www.widdershausen.de/bauernkrieg.html (19.7.23)
Käthe Kollwitz aus dem Zyklus Bauernkrieg – Der Losbruch 1903
https://www.kollwitz.de/zyklus-bauernkrieg-uebersicht
Aufständische Bauern im Zeichen des Bundschuh
https://www.habsburger.net/de/objekte/der-bundschuh